IDF officers say special department has been created to monitor left-wing groups that the army sees as aiming to delegitimize Israel; department will work closely with government ministries.
Military Intelligence is collecting information about left-wing organizations abroad that the army sees as aiming to delegitimize Israel, according to senior Israeli officials and Israel Defense Forces officers.
The sources said MI’s research division created a department several months ago that is dedicated to monitoring left-wing groups and will work closely with government ministries. In recent weeks, the head of the new unit has been taking part in discussions in the Prime Minister’s Office about how to prepare for the possible arrival of a Gaza-bound flotilla in May.
The undefined and potentially broad scope of such a venture, which IDF sources say is focusing on how to respond to maritime convoys aimed at breaching Israel’s Gaza blockade, has some Foreign Ministry officials concerned that the army is overreaching.
“We ourselves don’t know exactly how to define delegitimization,” said one ministry official. “This is a very abstract definition. Are flotillas to Gaza delegitimization? Is criticism of settlements delegitimization? It’s not clear how Military Intelligence’s involvement in this will provide added value.”
Military Intelligence officials said the initiative reflects an upsurge in worldwide efforts to delegitimize Israel and question its right to exist.
“The enemy changes, as does the nature of the struggle, and we have to boost activity in this sphere,” an MI official said. “Work on this topic proceeds on the basis of a clear distinction between legitimate criticism of the State of Israel on the one hand, and efforts to harm it and undermine its right to exist on the other.”
The new MI unit will monitor Western groups involved in boycotting Israel, divesting from it or imposing sanctions on it. The unit will also collect information about groups that attempt to bring war crime or other charges against high-ranking Israeli officials, and examine possible links between such organizations and terror groups.
MI decided to create the unit in the wake of investigations of Israel’s deadly takeover in May 2010 of a maritime convoy aimed at breaking the Gaza blockade, which found that the country’s intelligence agencies failed to provide information that could have helped Israel adequately prepare for the violent resistance that naval commandos encountered aboard the Mavi Marmara.
The unit’s other spheres of responsibility have yet to be clearly defined, but are expected to involve pinpointing the subjects that Israel’s other intelligence agencies should investigate, sources said.
The quality of intelligence information about groups aimed at delegitimizing Israel has improved and the quantity has increased in recent months, said an official in the Prime Minister’s Office.
“There is a demand for such information,” he said. “Officials need information on such topics, and it hasn’t always been available in the past, because there was a lack of awareness pertaining to this topic in the intelligence community. The new unit’s orientation will be to collect information and carry out intelligence research for the Foreign Ministry and other government ministries.
The unit has the support of Brig. Gen. (res. ) Yossi Kuperwasser, the director general of the Strategic Affairs Ministry and a previous head of MI’s research division. During the second intifada, he pushed for the intelligence community’s large-scale involvement in public advocacy and diplomatic matters, a stance that was criticized by other MI officers.
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In July 2008, Gaddafi’s son Saif al Islam announced that an agreement was being negotiated with the United States whereby Libya would make any future compensation payments to American victims of terror attacks conditional upon the settlement of claims by victims of the U.S. bombing of Libya in 1986.
On August 14, 2008 the resultant U.S.-Libya Comprehensive Claims Settlement Agreement was signed in Tripoli by Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, David Welch, and by Libya’s Secretary for American Affairs, Ahmad Fituri.
In October 2008 Libya paid US$1.5 billion, over three installments of US$300 million on October 9, 2008, US$600 million on October 30, 2008, and a final US$600 million October 31, 2008, into a fund which will be used to compensate relatives of the Lockerbie bombing victims an additional US$2 million each, after having paid them US$8 million earlier;
American victims of the 1986 Berlin discotheque bombing;
American victims of the 1989 UTA Flight 772 bombing; and,
Libyan victims of the 1986 US bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi.
As a result, President Bush signed an executive order restoring the Libyan government’s immunity from terror-related lawsuits and dismissing all of the pending compensation cases in the United States.
AMY GOODMAN: Part of Obama’s tour also addressed the United States history of supporting brutal Latin American dictatorships. During a press conference in Chile, the first question a Chilean reporter asked President Obama was about the “open wounds of the dictatorship of General Pinochet.”
REPORTER: [translated] President Obama, you have emphasized and highlighted the economic management of Chile, the leadership in the region—those were your words—and even the successful transitioning to democracy in the difficult years of the 1990s. However, in Chile, President Obama, there are some open wounds of the dictatorship of General Pinochet. In that sense, leaders, political leaders, leaders of the world of human rights, and even members of parliament, the son of murdered Orlando Letelier, the foreign minister, have said that many of these wounds have to do with the United States. I ask you: our justices investigating cases of Allende and the death of Eduardo Frei Montalva; in that new speech that you will announce, do you include that the U.S. is willing to collaborate with those judicial investigations, even that the United States is willing to ask for forgiveness for what it did during those difficult years in the 1970s in Chile?
PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: Well, on the specific question of how we can work with the Chilean government, any requests that are made by Chile to obtain more information about the past is something that we will certainly consider, and we would like to cooperate. I think it’s very important for all of us to know our history. And obviously, the history of relations between the United States and Latin America have at times been extremely rocky and have at times been difficult. I think it’s important, though, for us, even as we understand our history and gain clarity about our history, that we’re not trapped by our history. And the fact of the matter is, is that over the last two decades we’ve seen extraordinary progress here in Chile, and that has not been impeded by the United States, but in fact has been fully supported by the United States.
US Refuses to Release CIA Files that could Aid Chile’s Investigation of Operation Condor (SF Chronicle 20/3/11)
Survivors of Gen. Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship say justice has been thwarted by repeated U.S. refusals to release classified documents and by a Chilean government that has yet to live up to its promises on human rights. They hope President Obama’s visit next month will provide an opportunity for both governments to seek the opening of secret files that describe details of crimes against humanity.
Of all the Latin American countries that have shaken off brutal dictatorships, none has made greater strides than Chile in convicting those responsible for torturing and killing political opponents. But hundreds of investigations remain stymied because the identities of people involved in the crimes that followed the Sept. 11, 1973 coup – Chile’s own 9/11 – remain secret.
Authorities are under particular pressure from the daughters of two presidents whose deaths remain shrouded in mystery – Salvador Allende, who was said to have committed suicide as Pinochet’s troops seized the presidential palace in 1973, and his predecessor Eduardo Frei Montalva, allegedly poisoned in 1982 as he led criticism of the dictatorship.
“Precisely because there has been such a radical change in the politics of the United States that we believe in the human rights (policies) of President Obama, this is the moment – if he’s coming to Chile he can receive the official requests and petitions,” Carmen Frei, daughter of Frei Montalva, told Chile’s Radio Cooperativa.
Allende’s daughter, Sen. Isabel Allende, said the coup “represents an unpaid debt for the justice system, to acknowledge the numerous crimes committed that day, identify those who participated, establishing their criminal responsibilities and knowing the entire truth of that day.”
Chile’s Supreme Court recently ordered investigative judge Mario Carroza to probe Allende’s death along with 725 others whose cases were never prosecuted. Another judge, Alejandro Madrid, began probing Frei Montalva’s death in 2002, and has charged six people, including doctors and former Pinochet spies, with poisoning him and covering up his death.
The U.S. has turned down several of Madrid’s requests for evidence, according to a Dec. 11, 2009, U.S. Embassy review recently made public through WikiLeaks. It said the requests were denied for lack of formal support from the executive branches of both countries.
U.S. agents and diplomats closely followed all these events, creating documents reviewed by U.S. congressional intelligence committees. These committees concluded that U.S. President Richard Nixon and his national security adviser, Henry Kissinger, spent millions interfering with Chilean elections, destabilizing Allende’s socialist economy and directing conspiracies with Chilean military figures to drive him from office.
Much of the historical record came out as a result of pressure from Peter Kornbluh, author of The Pinochet File, which summarized some of the more than 25,000 U.S. declassified documents. But many were redacted to avoid identifying people, and many more remain secret.
U.S. authorities should make the uncensored versions available to the Chilean legal process “as part of their commitment to diplomacy, history, and human rights,” Kornbluh said.
Even now, details about Allende’s death remain in dispute; last week Carroza was taking testimony from a doctor who said he saw Allende shoot himself rather than surrender. Judges also hope to identify those who killed Allende’s allies at the palace, the first victims of the campaign of terror against suspected leftists that followed.
Chile’s truth commission determined that 3,065 Pinochet opponents were killed. Most of these cases were investigated, and some 600 military figures and civilian collaborators have been put on trial. Pinochet died without standing trial, but about 150 others have been convicted of crimes against humanity, including his feared secret police chief, Miguel Contreras, who is 81 and probably will spend the rest of his life in prison.
Neighboring Argentina has charged more people, but returned fewer verdicts. Amnesties in Brazil and Uruguay have made it difficult to hold human rights trials there, and Paraguay lacks the political will to probe the crimes of its long dictatorship.
The U.S. ambassador to Chile, Alejandro Wolff, said human rights is on Obama’s agenda and “there is every disposition to be helpful.”
President Sebastian Pinera was riding high last year after overseeing the remarkable rescue of 33 miners, but his ratings have slid, and many worry he won’t fully support investigations that could shake his ruling coalition, which includes factions that were closely involved with the dictatorship.
To counter doubts that Frei Montalva’s death would ever be resolved, Pinera ordered his interior minister to formally join the judiciary investigation, saying, “Once and for all, the circumstances and those responsible should be made clear and those who have responsibility should assume the consequences.” But his Interior Ministry still hasn’t joined the probe of Allende and the 725 other murders, activists complained last week.
Pinera’s center-right government, the first since Pinochet’s 17-year dictatorship ended, also recently transferred or fired veteran police investigators and human rights lawyers, including those gathering evidence in the deaths of Frei Montalva and folk singer Victor Jara. The ministry then declined to pursue arrest warrants for four suspects in the killing of Jara, who was among hundreds tortured and killed in a Santiago stadium during the coup.
Lorena Pizarro, president of the Association of Families of the Detained and Disappeared, said that if Pinera is serious about upholding human rights, he should ask Obama for all the CIA files.
The U.S. congressional committees have summarized many of these secret documents. The Hinchey Report in 2000 found no information that U.S. agents were involved in Allende’s death, but acknowledged that coup plotters had been encouraged by U.S. hostility and previous CIA efforts to oust Allende. It also concluded that despite Kissinger’s public warnings to respect human rights, the CIA kept close ties to Chileans they knew were committing abuses, paying some for information even as they committed torture and other crimes.
“There is no doubt that some CIA contacts were actively engaged in committing and covering up serious human rights abuses,” the report determined.
This article appeared on page A – 4 of the San Francisco Chronicle
One should judge Nicolas Sarkozy according to his actions, and not according to his personality. Yet when his doings surprise even his own constituents, it is legitimate to take a detailed look at his biography and question the bonds that brought him to power. Thierry Meyssan has decided to write the truth about the French Republic’s president background. All the information included in this article is provable, except for two assertions signalled by the author who alone takes full responsibility.
Tired of the overextended presidencies of François Mitterrand and Jacques Chirac, the French elected Nicolas Sarkozy counting on his energy to revitalize their country. They were hoping for a break with years of no-change and ideologies of the past. What they got instead was a break with the very principles which founded the French nation, and have been shocked by this “hyper-president”, seizing every day a new dossier, attracting towards him the right and the left wing, and tearing apart all points of reference to the point of creating a total confusion.
Like children who have just made a boo-boo, the French are too busy trying to find excuses for themselves to admit the magnitude of the damages and of their naiveté, and they refuse all the more to see who Nicolas Sarkozy really is, that they realize they should have known since a long time who he was.
One must say the man has talents. Like a magician he tricked them. By offering them the spectacle of his private life and posing in People’s magazines, he got them to forget his political history.
The aim of this article must be clearly understood. It is not to reproach to M. Sarkozy his family, his friends or his professional ties, but the fact of having hidden those ties from the French who believed, wrongly, they were electing a free man.
To understand how a man whom all agree today to view as an agent of the United States and of Israel was able to become the head of the Gaullist party and the president of the French Republic, we must go back in time, very very far back. We must make a long digression in the course of which we will present the protagonists who are today taking their revenge.
The family secrets
At the end of Second World War, the United States secret services relied on Italo-US godfather, Lucky Luciano, to control the security of American ports and prepare their disembarking in Sicily. The main contacts of Luciano — held at that time at a New York luxury prison — to the US intelligence services went notably through Frank Wisner, Sr. Later, when the “godfather” was liberated and chose to exile in Italy, they operated through his Corsican “Ambassador”, Étienne Léandri.
In 1958, worried about a possible victory of the FLN in Algeria which could open the way to Soviet influence in Northern Africa, the United States decided to provoke a military coup d’Etat in France. The operation was jointly organized by the CIA’s Directorate of Planning – theoretically led by Frank Wisner, Sr. – and by NATO. But Wisner had already become senile by that time, and it was his successor, Allan Dulles, who supervised the coup. Out of Algeria, French generals organized a Public Salvation Committee which pressured the Parisian civilian authorities to vote full powers to General de Gaulle without having had to use force.
Yet, Charles de Gaulle was not the pawn the Anglo-Saxons had believed they could manipulate. In a first phase, he attempted to deal with the colonial contradiction by granting to the overseas territories a large autonomy within the French Union. But it was already too late to save the French empire; the colonized people didn’t believe any longer in the promises of Metropolitan France, and demanded their independence. After victorious but fierce repression against those fighting for independence, de Gaulle decided to face reality, and in a rare show of political wisdom, he granted independence to each colony.
This turn-about was perceived by most of those who brought him to power as a betrayal. The CIA and NATO supported then all kinds of plots to eliminate him, among which a missed coup and some 40 attempts to murder him. However, certain of his followers approved of his political evolution. Around Charles Pasqua, they created the SAC (Civic action services), a militia to protect him.
Pasqua was both a Corsican bandit and a former resistant. He married the daughter of a Canadian bootlegger who made a fortune during Prohibition, and he directed the Ricard company, which, after commercialising absinthe, a forbidden alcohol, won respectability by converting to the sales of another alcohol based on liquorice (anisette). The company continued however to serve as a cover for all sorts of traffics connected to the New York Italian American family of Genovese, and that of Lucky Luciano. It is therefore not surprising that Pasqua called on Étienne Léandri (Ambassador of Luciano) to recruit the hands that constituted the Gaullist militia. A third man played an important role in the formation of the SAC, the former body guard of de Gaulle, Achille Peretti, also a Corsican.
Thus protected, de Gaulle designs an audacious national independence policy. Even though asserting his belonging to the Atlantic camp, he questions the Anglo-Saxon leadership. He opposes the entry of the United Kingdom into the European common market (1961 and 1967); refuses the deployment of UN Blue Helmets in Congo (1961); encourages the Latin American states to become free of US imperialism (speech of Mexico, 1964); kicks NATO out of France and withdraws from the Atlantic Alliance’s integrated command (1966); condemns Israeli expansionism during the Six Day war (1967); supports the independence of Quebec (Speech of Montreal 1967), etc.
Simultaneously, de Gaulle consolidated the power of France by endowing it with a military industrial-complex including a nuclear deterrent and guaranteeing its energy provisions. He conveniently distanced the encumbering Corsicans of his entourage by entrusting them with foreign missions. Thus, Étienne Léandri became a leader of the ELF group (today Total), while Charles Pasqua became the trusted man of the Francophone Heads of State in Africa.
Conscious that he could not defy the Anglo-Saxons on all fronts at the same time, De Gaulle allied himself to the Rothschild family, choosing as Prime Minister, Georges Pompidou, who was the fondé de pouvoir of the bank. The two men constituted an efficient tandem, the political audacity of the first never losing sight of the economic realism of the second.
When De Gaulle resigned in 1969, Georges Pompidou succeeded him briefly at the Presidency before being taken out by a cancer. The historical Gaullists did not admit his leadership, however, and worried about his anglophile proclivities. They howled treason when Pompidou, supported by the General Secretary of the Élysée, Edouard Balladur, had “perfidious Albion” join the European Common Market.
The making of Nicolas Sarkozy
That decorum having been put into place, we can now return to our main character, Nicolas Sarkozy. Born in 1955, he is son to a Hungarian catholic nobleman, Pal Sarkösy of Nagy-Bosca, who sought refuge in France after fleeing the Red Army, and to Andree Mallah, a Jewish commoner from Thessalonica. After having three children (Guillaume, Nicolas and François), the couple divorced. Pal Sarkösy of Nagy-Bocsa remarried with an aristocrat, Christine de Ganay, with whom he had two children (Pierre Olivier and Caroline). Nicolas will not be raised by his own parents alone, but will go back and forth within this recomposed family.
His mother became the secretary of De Gaulle’s bodyguard, Achille Peretti. The latter, after founding the SAC, pursued a brilliant political career. He was elected Deputy and Mayor of Neuilly sur Seine, the richest residential suburb of the capital, and later President of the National Assembly.
Unfortunately, in 1972, Achille Peretti comes under grave accusations. In the United States, Time magazine reveals the existence of a secret criminal organization « the Corsican Union » which controls a large part of the drug trade between Europe and America, the famous « French connection » which Hollywood popularized on the large screen. Based on parliamentary auditions and on his own investigations, Time names the name of a mafia boss, Jean Venturi, arrested a few years earlier in Canada, who is none other than Charles Pasqua’s commercial delegate at the liquor society Ricard. The names of several families headed by the “Corsican Union” are cited, among which that of Peretti. Achille denies all charges, but is forced to renounce the presidency of the National Assembly, and barely escapes a “suicide”…
In 1977, Pal Sarkösy of Nagy-Bocsa separates from his second wife, Christine de Ganay, who then gets together with the N°2 of the US State Department central administration. She marries him and settles in America with him. The world being very small, as everyone knows, her husband is none other than Frank Wisner, Jr, son of the previous. Junior’s responsibilities at the CIA are unknown, but it is clear that he plays an important role. Nicolas, who remains close to his mother in law, his half brother and his half sister, begins to turn towards the United States where he “benefits” from training programs of the State Department.
During that same period, Nicolas Sarkozy adheres to the Gaullist party, coming into frequent contact with Charles Pasqua, who was not only a national leader then, but also the head of the party’s Haut de Seine department section.
Having finished Law School in 1982 and joined the bar association, Nicolas Sarkozy married the niece of Achille Peretti. His best man was Charles Pasqua. As a lawyer, Sarkozy defended the interests of his mentor’s Corsican friends. He bought a property on the Island of Beauty, in Vico, and went as far as envisaging to make his name more “Corsican” by replacing the “y” by an “i”: Sarkozi.
The next year, he was elected Mayor of Neuilly sur Seine in replacement of his uncle in law, Achille Peretti, felled by a heart attack. However, it was not long before Nicolas Sarkozy betrayed his wife, and since 1984, he had a secret liaison with Cecilia, the wife of the most famous entertainer of French television at that time, Jacques Martin, whom he had met while celebrating their marriage, a function he exerted being mayor of Neuilly. That double life lasted five years, before the lovers decided to quit their respective couples in order to build a new home.
In 1992, Nicolas was best man in the marriage of Jacques Chirac’s daughter, Claude, with an editorialist of Le Figaro. He couldn’t refrain himself from seducing Claude and having a short liaison with her, while officially living with Cecilia. The cuckold husband committed suicide by absorbing drugs. The break was brutal and without pardon between the Chirac’s and Nicolas Sarkozy.
In 1993, the left lost the legislative elections. President François Mitterrand refused to resign and entered into cohabitation with a right wing Prime Minister. Jacques Chirac, who was ambitious for the presidency, and was thinking at that point of constituting with Edoaurd Balladur a couple comparable to that of De Gaulle and Pompidou, refused to be Prime Minister and left his post to his “30 year long friend” Edouard Balladur. In spite of his sulphurous past, Charles Pasqua became Interior Minister. While keeping a high hand over the Moroccan marijuana trade, he took advantage of his situation to legalize his other activities, taking control of casinos, gambling and horse races in francophone Africa. He wove ties with Saudi Arabia and Israel, and became an officer of honour to the Mossad. Nicolas Sarkozy, for his part, became minister of Budget and spokesman for the government.
In Washington, Frank Wisner, Jr. became the successor of Paul Wolfowitz as head of the Political Planning department of the Department of Defense. Nobody noticed at that time the ties to the spokesman of the French government.
It is then that tensions, similar to those which rocked the Gaullist party 30 years earlier, broke out between the historical Gaullists and the financial right wing incarnated by Balladur. The new element was that Charles Pasqua and, along with him, the young Nicolas Sarkozy, betrayed Jacques Chirac in order to join the Rothschild current. Mayhem broke out. The conflict reached a climax in 1995, when Edouard Balladur ran for president against his former friend Jacques Chirac, and was beaten. Most importantly, following instructions from London and Washington, the Balladur government opened negotiations for membership status to the European Union and NATO to States of Central and Eastern Europe who had freed from Soviet control.
Havoc reigned then in the Gaullist party, where the friends of yesterday were ready to kill one another today. To be able to finance his electoral campaign, Edouard Balladur attempted to grab the secret slush fund of the Gaullist party, hidden in the double-deckered accounting of the books of the oil group ELF.
The ride through the desert
Throughout his first mandate, Jacques Chirac kept Nicolas Sarkozy at arms distance. The man was discrete during his ride through the desert. Discretely, however, he continued to weave ties to the financial circles.
In 1996, finally succeeding to bring to conclusion an endless divorce procedure, Nicolas Sarkozy married Cecilia. Two billionaires were their best men, Martin Bouygues and Bernard Arnaud (the richest man of the country).
The final act
Way before the Iraqi crisis, Frank Wisner Jr. and his colleagues at the CIA planned the destruction of the Gaullist current and the coming to power of Nicolas Sarkozy. They moved in three phases: first, the elimination of the leadership of the Gaullist party and the take-over of the party apparatus; then the elimination of his main right wing rival and the securing the nomination to the presidential election for the Gaullist party; finally, the elimination of any serious challenger on the left to make sure that Nicolas would win the presidential election.
During years, posthumous revelations by a real estate dealer kept the media on their toes. Before dying from a terminal disease, for reasons which remain unknown, he decided to video-tape his confessions, and for reasons which are even more obscure, the “cassette” landed in the hands of a Socialist party leader, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, who forwarded it indirectly to the media.
While the confessions of the real estate dealer did not lead to any juridical sanctions, they opened up a Pandora’s Box. The main victim of the series of scandals was Prime Minister Alain Juppé. To protect Chirac, he assumed alone all the penal sanctions. The removal of Juppé from the front lodges opened the way for the take-over by Sarkozy of the leadership of the Gaullist party.
Sarkozy exploited then his position to force Jacques Chirac to take him into the government once again, in spite of their reciprocal hatred. In the end, he became Interior Minister. Mistake! This post gave him control over the prefects and the internal intelligence apparatus, which he used to gain positions of power over the large administrations.
He dealt also with Corsican affairs. Prefect Claude Érignac was murdered. Even though nobody claimed it, the murder was immediately interpreted as a challenge by the independentists to the Republic. Following a long hunt, the police managed to arrest a fleeing suspect, Yvan Colonna, son of a Socialist deputy. Caring little about the presumption of innocence, Nicolas Sarkozy announced the arrest, accusing the suspect of being the assassin. The news was too important, a mere two days away from the referendum the minister had organized in Corsica to modify the status of the island. Be that as it may, the electors rejected the Sarkozy project, which, according to some, favoured mafia interests. While Yvan Colonna was ultimately declared guilty, he always claimed his innocence, and no material proof was ever found against him. Strangely, the man preferred to remain totally silent, rather than reveal what he actually knew. We reveal here that prefect Érignac was not directly killed by the nationalists, but by a paid killer, immediately exfiltrated to Angola, where he was hired to the security of the Elf group. The motive of the crime was precisely connected to the previous functions of Érignac, responsible for the African networks at Pasqua’s cooperation ministry. As for Yvan Colonna, he is a personal friend of Nicolas Sarkozy since decades, and their children have entertained social relations.
A new scandal broke out then: phoney computer listings were circulating, falsely accusing several personalities of hiding bank accounts in Luxembourg, at Clearstream. Among the defamed personalities: Nicolas Sarkozy, who filed a suit insinuating that he suspected his right wing rival to the presidency, Dominique de Villepin, to have organized this machination. Sarkozy didn’t hide his intention either to throw him in jail. In reality, the false listings were put in circulation by members of the French American Foundation, of which John Negroponte was the president and Frank Wisner Jr, the administrator. What the judges ignored, and what we reveal here, is that the listings were fabricated in London by a common office of the CIA and MI6, Hakluyt and Co., of which Frank Wisner is also an administrator.
Villepin denied the accusations, but was indicted, confined to his residence, and de facto eliminated from political life temporarily. The road was thus free on the right wing for Nicolas Sarkozy. It remained for the opposition candidacies to be neutralized. The membership fees to the Socialist party were reduced to a symbolic level, in order to attract new activists. Suddenly, thousands of youth took membership cards. Among them, there were at least 10,000 new members who were in reality militants from the “Lambertist” Trotskyite party, named after its founder Pierre Lambert. This small extreme left group historically served the CIA against the Stalinist communists during the cold war; it is the equivalent of the Social Democrats/USA of Max Schatchman, who trained the US neo-conservatives. It is not the first time the “Lambertists” have infiltrated the Socialist party. They introduced there two notorious CIA agents : Lionel Jospin (who became Prime minister) and Jean Christophe Cambadelis, the main advisor to Dominique Strauss-Kahn.
Primaries were organized inside the Socialist party to designate its candidate to the presidential election. Two personalities were competing: Laurent Fabius and Ségolène Royal. Only the first was a danger for Sarkozy. Dominique Strauss-Kahn came into the race with the mission to eliminate Fabius at the last moment. Something he did with the help of the votes of the infiltrated “Lambertists”, who voted not for him but for Royal.
The operation is possible because Strauss-Kahn is since long on the payroll of the United States. Frenchmen ignore that he teaches at Stanford, where he was hired by the Provost Dean of the University, Condoleeza Rice. From the beginning of his term, Nicolas Sarkozy and Condoleeza Rice will thank Strauss-Kahn by having him elected to the leadership of the International Monetary Fund.
First days at the Élysée
The evening of the second round of the presidential election, when polling agencies announced his probable victory, Nicolas Sarkozy gave a short speech to the nation from his campaign headquarters. Then, contrary to all custom, he didn’t celebrate with the militants of his party, but went to Fouquet’s. This famous brasserie at the Champs-Élysées, formerly the place of rendez-vous of the “Corsican union”, is today the property of casino magnate Dominique Desseigne. It was lent to the elected president to receive his friends and main campaign donors. Some hundred guests crowded there, the richest men of France hobnobbing with the casino bosses.
The elected president then offered himself some days of well-merited rest. Transported to Malta by a private Falcon 900, he relaxed on the Paloma, the 65m yacht of his friend Vincent Bollore, a billionaire trained at the Rothschild bank.
Finally, Nicolas Sarkozy was inaugurated president of the French Republic. The first decree he signed was not to enact an amnesty, but to authorize the casinos of his friends Desseigne and Partouche to multiply the money machines.
He composed his working team and his government. Without surprise, one finds there an ominous casino owner (the minister of Youth and Sports) and the lobbyist of the casinos of his friend Desseigne (who became a spokesman of the “Gaullist party”.)
Nicolas Sarkozy relies above all on 4 men :
- Claude Guéant, secretary general of the Elysée Palace, the former right hand of Charles Pasqua.
- François Pérol, under-secretary general of the Elysée, an associate manager of the Rothschild bank.
- Jean-David Lévitte, diplomatic advisor. Son of the former director of the Jewish Agency. French ambassador to the UN, he was removed by Chirac who judged him too close to George Bush.
- Alain Bauer, the man of the shadows. His name does not appear in the directories. He is in charge of the secret services. Former Grand Master of the French Great Orient (the most important Masonic organization in France) and former N°2 of the US NSA in Europe.
Frank Wisner Jr., who in the meantime was named “special envoy” to President Bush for the independence of Kosovo, insisted that Bernard Kouchner be named minister of foreign affairs, with a double mission priority: the independence of Kosovo and the elimination of France’s Arab policy.
Kouchner started his career by participating in the creation of a humanitarian NGO. Thanks to financial support from the National Endowment for Democracy, he took part in operations of Zbigniew Brzezinski in Afghanistan against the soviets, alongside Osama Ben Laden and the Karzai brothers. One finds him again in the 90’s working with Alija Izetbegovic in Bosnia Herzegovina. From 1999 to 2001 he was high representative of the UN to Kosovo.
Under the rule of the youngest brother of president Hamid Karzaï, Afghanistan became the first world producer of opium poppies transformed in heroin locally and transported by the USAF to Camp Bondsteel (Kosovo). There, the men of Hacim Thaci take charge of the drug and distribute it mainly in Europe and accessorily in the US. The benefits are used to finance the illegal operations of the CIA. Karzai and Thaci are longstanding personal friends of Bernard Kouchner, who undoubtedly ignores their criminal activities in spite of all the international reports which have been dedicated to them.
To complete his government, Nicolas Sarkozy named Christine Lagarde, minister of the Economy and Finance. All her career was made in the US, where she directed the prestigious law firm Baker and McKenzie. At the Center for International and Strategic Studies of Dick Cheney, she co-presided with Zbigniew Brzezinski over a working group which supervised the privatisations in Poland. She organized also an intense lobbying effort for Lockheed Martin against French airplane producer Dassault.
New escapade during the summer. Nicolas, Cecilia, their common mistress and their children went on holidays to the United States at Wolfeboro, not far from the property of President Bush. The bill was paid this time by Robert F. Agostinelli, an Italian-New Yorker investment banker, Zionist and a pure brand of neo-conservative who writes in Commentary, the magazine of the American Jewish Committee.
The success of Nicolas had impact on his half brother, Pierre Olivier. Under the American name of Oliver, he was named by Frank Carlucci (formerly N°2 of the CIA after having been recruited by Frank Wisner, Sr.), and director of the new investment fund of the Carlyle Group (the common investment firm of the Bush family and Ben Laden). Having become the 5th largest business dealer in the world, he handles the main assets of the sovereign funds of Kuwait and Singapore.
The popularity of the President is in a free fall in the polls. One of his communications advisors, Jacques Seguela, also consultant for political communication at the NED, where he is in charge of diverse CIA operations in Western Europe and Latin America, proposes to detract the public’s attention with new “people stories”. The announcement of the divorce with Cecilia was publicised by Libération, the paper of his friend Edouard de Rothschild, to cover up the slogans of demonstrators in a day of general strike. Stronger even, the communications agent organized a meeting between the president and the former top model, Carla Bruni. Some days later, her liaison with the president became official, and the media hammering covered up once again political criticism. Some weeks later, the third marriage of Nicolas occurred. This time, he chose as best men Mathilde Agostinelle (the wife of Robert) and Nicolas Bazire, a former cabinet director of Edouard Balladur who became assistant manager at the Rothschilds.
When will the French use their eyes to see what they have to do ?
Operation Sarkozy : how the CIA placed one of its agents at the presidency of the French Republic
Thierry Meyssan, Voltaire Network
Smirks and the odd expletive fill the room as a group of young men recall their education growing up under the eccentric and oppressive rule of Muammer Gaddafi.
“It was theory behind the theory behind the theory – it was stupid,” says Ahmed ben Musa. “Even he [Gaddafi] didn’t understand it.”
Colonel Gaddafi’s Green Book was a compulsory subject for study from primary school right through to the end of university.
First published in 1975,it outlines his “third universal theory” which he used to turn the oil-rich north African nation into a Jamahiriya, or “rule of the masses”.
Libyan students lined upto repeat chants in praise of Col Gaddafi’s system before class and again after lunch. As they studied the book’s contents, they were taught to reject modern liberal democracy. Libya’s unique system, they were told, was based on “direct democracy” in the form of popular committees.
The reality, however, was starkly different. There were neither political parties nor elections, while feared revolutionary committees controlled life in cities, towns and villages across the country. Dissent was quashed, civil society groups were rare and Col Gaddafi had an iron grasp on the country.
Yet now, in the opposition-controlled east of the country, things are changing. Committees have been formed to govern “liberated” cities. Some are even tentatively talking about establishing political parties for the first time in the hope that the regime will be ousted and Libya will begin making the huge leap to democracy.
Bassem Bubaker, a political science lecturer, is considering establishing a party with university professors and colleagues that would focus on “democracy and social development”. “From the beginning of the revolution they are thinking and talking about it,” he said.
These talks may still be in an embryonic stage, but just three weeks ago, merely the hint of criticism of the Jamahiriya system would have risked interrogation.
However, even if the revolution – which has escalated into armed conflict – is successful, the transition to multi-party democracy will face hurdles in a country where state institutions are weak and most people have known nothing but Col Gaddafi’s rule.
Mr ben Musa and his friends formed the Libya Youth Movement after the opposition seized control of Benghazi. They initially hoped to set it up as a “party” to support the revolution and prepare for the future. But they decided to wait until a new constitution – something that has been absent in Libya since Col Gaddafi seized power in 1969 – was in place.
The youth group emphasises that it is not a party “because it makes it easier to deal with others because people are still scared”, Mr ben Musa says. “With the background we have it is kind of a prohibited area. I think in the minds of the people every politician is dirty,” the 30-year-old Halliburton employee says.
As battles rage around oil towns farther west, the youth group is focused on more mundane matters – finding engineers to operate shifts at the power station; advertising for employees to work at bakeries and a local spaghetti factory; and sending food and medicine to the fighters on the front lines.
However, its very existence highlights the growth of civil society organisations in the east and is an example of the dramatic changes that have swept across the country.
When asked if the Libyan Youth Movement could turn into a party if the regime fell, Mr ben Musa gives a politician’s answer. “Maybe, nobody knows, it depends how attractive it is,” he says.
Civil Society on Rise in Rebel Areas of Libya
I Walked with a Zombie (1943)
The question that may never go away: Who really is Barack Obama?
In his autobiography, “Dreams From My Fathers”, Barack Obama writes of taking a job at some point after graduating from Columbia University in 1983. He describes his employer as “a consulting house to multinational corporations” in New York City, and his functions as a “research assistant” and “financial writer”.
The odd part of Obama’s story is that he doesn’t mention the name of his employer. However, a New York Times story of 2007 identifies the company as Business International Corporation.10 Equally odd is that the Times did not remind its readers that the newspaper itself had disclosed in 1977 that Business International had provided cover for four CIA employees in various countries between 1955 and 1960.11
The British journal, Lobster Magazine – which, despite its incongruous name, is a venerable international publication on intelligence matters – has reported that Business International was active in the 1980s promoting the candidacy of Washington-favored candidates in Australia and Fiji .12 In 1987, the CIA overthrew the Fiji government after but one month in office because of its policy of maintaining the island as a nuclear-free zone, meaning that American nuclear-powered or nuclear-weapons-carrying ships could not make port calls.13 After the Fiji coup, the candidate supported by Business International, who was much more amenable to Washington’s nuclear desires, was reinstated to power – R.S.K. Mara was Prime Minister or President of Fiji from 1970 to 2000, except for the one-month break in 1987.
In his book, not only doesn’t Obama mention his employer’s name; he fails to say when he worked there, or why he left the job. There may well be no significance to these omissions, but inasmuch as Business International has a long association with the world of intelligence, covert actions, and attempts to penetrate the radical left – including Students for a Democratic Society (SDS)14 – it’s valid to wonder if the inscrutable Mr. Obama is concealing something about his own association with this world.
The Anti-Empire Report:William Blum
Riots in Pakistan after secret deal with U.S. to pay $2.3m ‘blood money’ to free CIA agent who shot dead two men
Seismic Weapons Archive (courtesy of Spitfire List and Dave Emory)
Environmental Modification Archive (Page Two)
In April 1997, the then U.S. Secretary of Defense William Cohen publicly discussed the dangers of HAARP-like technology, saying “[o]thers are engaging even in an eco-type of terrorism whereby they can alter the climate, set off earthquakes, volcanoes remotely through the use of electromagnetic waves… So there are plenty of ingenious minds out there that are at work finding ways in which they can wreak terror upon other nations… It’s real, and that’s the reason why we have to intensify our efforts.”
This quote derives from an April 1997 counterterrorism conference sponsored by former Senator Sam Nunn, quoted from “DoD News Briefing, Secretary of Defense William S. Cohen, Q&A at the Conference on Terrorism, Weapons of Mass Destruction, and U.S. Strategy,” held at the University of Georgia-Athens, Apr. 28, 1997.
WashPost_040678 (pdf file)